Please help Links stay afloat. Donate what you can!
Click on Links masthead to clear previous query from search box
Syndicate
Recent comments
- Revolutionary Nepal
17 hours 49 min ago - sraeli Communists Thank Hugo Chávez
19 hours 20 min ago - Calcutta News: Israeli army are cowards says Chavez
19 hours 23 min ago - El Salvador: Take Action to Oppose Dirty Campaign!
23 hours 3 min ago - Norway: Unions strike over Gaza
23 hours 15 min ago - Africa takes to the streets on Israel massacres in Gaza
23 hours 57 min ago - Media disinformation on Hamas
1 day 29 sec ago - Nasrallah: Arabs have much to learn from Chavez
1 day 6 min ago - Lessons for the NPA from the SSP/Solidarity experience
1 day 7 hours ago - Requesting list of Israeli & Palestinian attacks.
1 day 7 hours ago
Nepal: Prachanda in New York -- A Maoist vision for a new Nepal
`A Maoist Vision for a New Nepal' -- MP3 recordings of a talk by Nepal's Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), followed by questions and answers, presented to the India China Institute of New School University, New York City, on September 26, 2008. The MP3 audio clips were first presented on the Hegemonik site, and are posted here with permission
Nepal's newly elected Prime Minister Prachanda came to New York to address the United Nations General Assemby on September 26. Click HERE to download the text of his UN speech (PDF) or click HERE to watch a video of the address (requires Real Player).
After his UN address, Prachanda spoke to a mixed audience of intellectuals, expatriate Nepalis and leftists at a talk sponsored by the New School University’s India China Institute. He described the new Nepal's attitude to foreign investment, development of its natural resources and relations with China and India. The question and answer session touched upon the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)'s ideological positions.
Prachanda also spoke at a September 25 invitation-only reception organised by the International Action Center. (You can listen to the speeches HERE.) According the account posted at the Absent Cause web site:
``Comrade Prachanda explained that the CPN(M) has tried to understand the lessons of the international communist movement, of the revolutions and counter-revolutions of the 20th Century. He briefly reviewed the history of the peoples war, which began in 1996 after the Nepali government's violent repression of mass demonstrations. Prachanda said that his party worked to explain to the people that they were not opposed to peaceful change, but that all avenues had been closed and armed struggle was necessary.
``After five years of civil war, the CPN (M) embarked on a serious internal discussion of the lessons of previous revolutions, including the socialist revolution in Russia. At this time the party adopted the idea that a multi-party system and political competition should exist even under socialism. They determined that this is what Lenin would have done had he lived another five or 10 years, in the process of trying to build the basis for a socialist economic system in Russia. Lenin would not have followed the same path as Stalin, who made `serious mistakes in his understanding of philosophy and dialectical materialism'" according to Prachanda.
``Following this internal discussion, the CPN (M) initiated negotiations with the Nepali government. However, the talks did not succeed because the government would not agree to the minimum conditions of a constituent assembly.
``Saying that the democratic revolution must be completed to carry through the socialist revolution, Prachanda explained that the monarchy had played a very important role in how the revolution developed through its stupidity and intransigence. The result was an understanding between the peoples war and other parties involved in the mass struggle, of bourgeois democratic and peoples movements side-by-side. This culminated in 19 days of mass actions that brought about the beginning of the end to the monarchy in 2006.
``Prachanda commented on the `confusion of some people' when the Maoists became the leading party in Nepal. He said the CPN (M)-led government's mandate consists of three tasks: 1) drafting a new constitution; 2) carrying through the peace process, termed the `rehabilitation and integration' of armed forces; and 3) initiating new economic development.
``When he appeared at the closing of the Olympic Games in Beijing, Prachanda explained, he tried to convey that `we are making a big experiment -- not only for Nepal, not only for South Asia, but for the people of the world. We communists are more flexible and dynamic. We try to develop our ideology according to new conditions. We understand the dynamic of change.'
``Recalling that just three years ago he was labeled a terrorist by the US and had a price on his head, and the CPN (M) is still on the US `terrorism watch list', Prachanda joked about the leaders of the US being the ones who are truly `sectarian and dogmatic', not the communists. He thanked the audience for the opportunity to address the `socialists of the USA'.''
Comments
Nepal: The party debate -- revolution or reform
http://www.krishnasenonline.org/theredstar/issues/issue17/sonam.htm
Red Star, Vol - I, 17, October 24-Nov 07, 2008
- Kul Prasad KC ‘Sonam’
Nepal is still in a semi-colonial and semi-feudal state. No drastic change has occurred; there can be no change in contradiction in the political situation until there is a fundamental change in the mode of production. Therefore, in this type of political situation, there are still the same solutions; national and sovereign independence against semi-colonial domination. So, this is the situation of the Democratic People’s Movement.
Only the monarchy, the leader of feudalism, has ceased to exist. However, the feudalistic mechanism still exists under a different color. In some places, it exists organizationally, institutionally and in some places through the ownership of land and capital. This is why there is not a change in its essence and in the character of the contradiction. Internationally, the world proletarian revolution is in the defensive position. It is natural. Now there is global hegemony in the world. The hegemony prevails in every sector of society.
Although they have put out the slogan of ‘liberalization’ and ‘privatization’, everything is taking place under the global programme of imperialism. Therefore, we should make an effort to build an anti-imperialist front by bringing all the struggles and the movements against imperialism from every part of the world. . We should expand and strengthen the concept of Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) in the context of South Asia to control the bullying of Indian expansionism.
We must polarize the parties, organizations and the struggle by analyzing the situation existing in South Asia. All the people of the countries bordering India and the exploited people of India can struggle jointly against the expansionist bullying of the Indian rulers. Now, it has been compulsory to build a front in South Asia against Indian intervention and for a comprehensive front against American Imperialism in the world. Only after that can we have freedom, independence and guarantee the fundamental rights of the exploited people.
In the developing countries and even in the ‘developed’ countries, struggles for national liberation are going on. We should respect their spirit, aspiration and the fight for freedom; and should form joint fronts as far as possible. This is the responsibility of the proletariat class today. The Nepalese proletarian class should fulfill this responsibility and develop the concept of struggle for national liberation
The present crisis in the economy of global imperialism should be analyzed in a new way. It shows that the creation of united front should not only be from the point of view of building a united front, but also from the point of view of an ideological and political united front. The crisis in the economy of global imperialism has matured the objective conditions for the world revolution. It is a favorable condition for proletarian revolution. However, this matured and favorable situation should be addressed by the ideology and leadership of the proletarian class. It is not only the continuation of a decade crisis in a global economy of imperialism; this crisis in global economy helps us to solve the contradiction through the solution- Revolution.
In Nepal, a type of reform has been done, but it is not a drastic change. In our political analysis, we have established the Federal Republic of Nepal. However, it is not clear whom the republic serves? Does it serve the bourgeoisie or the proletarian class? Now the debate is on which class does this republic serve? The increasing role of foreign powers and the high demands of people in the nation show that the contradictions are not being solved; rather they are sharpening.
The favorable objective situation has demanded a matured subjective force. It means that the debate conducted ideologically and politically as the two line struggle in the party and its expression in class struggle will play an important strategic influence in the history of class struggle. Mainly, the centre of the debate in our party is over the leadership of the proletarian class. We have to evaluate whether we are able to maintain the leadership of proletarian class or not, and how we can maintain the leadership of the proletarian class. We have already reached the theoretical decision that the proletarian class cannot be victorious until and unless it develops the best military and ideological tactics.
The debate is on ideology. The debate is over Marxism or reformism. Have we only one alternative to make agreements or have we any other alternatives of struggle and revolt? We are in a debate about ideology, politics, policy, programs and the forms of tactics because the previous movements of the proletarian class have slipped away, collapsed or weakened when they have obtained power. Therefore we consider that the importance of the debate to analyze and synthesize it from the point of view of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Basically, does it fit with Marxism and has our method of work and style of work served the interests of revolution or has it served reformism. This is the major principle debate.
We can say that the debate is the continuation of the great debate between China and the USSR after the death of Stalin. Because the debate is on similar issues; how to accomplish the revolution in a country in the world and how to protect the achievements gained from the revolution. The debate is between a pragmatic eclecticism and revolutionary Marxism. We are debating over revolution or reformism.
In this debate, because it is a great debate, we welcome those comrades who take part in the proletarian spirit. They should be allowed to react and complain. We should appreciate and analyze their reactions. If there are illusions, we should clarify them and if there are principle issues, we should finalize those through ideological debate. This is because the proletarian debate has been created on the foundation of a decade long proletarian class struggle. They have their own share in the Nepalese revolution. So, they will welcome the chance to take part in the debate in the proletarian spirit. We are expecting helping hands to bring maturity to the revolution of Nepal, along with the world proletarian revolution.
Criticism for criticism and creativity for creativity is not dialectics. This type of tradition that has developed within the communist parties of the world should be rejected and the dialectical process and method should be applied. We are sharing and ready to share the experiences and suggestions of comrades internationally; and give a new experience for the birth of a new proletarian world.
Post new comment